La púrpura de la rosa

0,001962 The performance history of La púrpura de la rosa (“The Color of the Rose” or “The Blood of the Rose”) begins in Madrid in 1659 with a treaty and a betrothal, and leads to Lima in 1701 with a French king and his birthday. The libretto, a one-act mythological comedia in polymetric verse by Pedro Calderón de la Barca (1600-1681), presents the dramatist's adaptation of the Ovidian story of the loves of Venus and Adonis as a fiesta cantada whose erotic content and elaborately ornate poetics were inspired, most likely, by Paolo Veronese's painting, Venus and Adonis. The court painter and decorator, Diego Velázquez hung this painting and its pendant, Cephalus and Procris, in the South Gallery of King Philip IV's Alcázar palace, as part of the iconography of the reception given the French diplomats who visited Philip in 1659 on behalf of Louis XIV. Calderón's text was most likely commissioned by Gaspar Méndez de Haro y Guzmán, Marquis de Heliche, as an opera libretto for Philip IV's court celebration of the Peace of the Pyrenees.Political and erotic passions accompanied La púrpura de la rosa throughout its travels. The flamboyant Marquis de Heliche, a vigorous patron of the arts and a well-known libertine, son of the prime minister or valido, don Luis Méndez de Haro, produced Calderón's mythological plays as semi-operas with music by Juan Hidalgo and sponsored the first zarzuelas. He spared no expense in bringing together the best actress-singers and musicians to perform at the royal theaters of the Zarzuela and Buen Retiro palaces, and the singers he engaged were all from the acting companies that regularly performed comedias in the public theaters.Juan Hidalgo (1614-1685), the famed court composer and virtuoso harpist, was from 1644 consistently responsible for theatrical music at court. Hidalgo and Calderón worked together to rehearse La púrpura de la rosa in 1659, and another fully-sung opera in 1660, Celos aun del aire matan. Hidalgo's songs impressed members of the French delegation who visited Madrid in 1659, perhaps as they listened to La púrpura in rehearsal. The operas fit within the elegant display with which Philip IV's court celebrated the betrothal of his daughter, María Teresa, to the young Louis XIV. This dynastic alliance between Hapsburgs and Bourbons was fundamental to the Peace of the Pyrenees, a long-negotiated treaty between Spain and France. Nonetheless, rivalry colored the Spanish-French encounters. The Spanish produced the unusual genre of fully-sung opera in order not to be upstaged by the operas Mazarin planned to produce in Paris; he commissioned the Roman poet Francesco Buti and the Venetian composer Francesco Cavalli to put together a festival opera in Italian (Ercole amante). In Madrid, the production of “foreign” works to celebrate the marriage of the century would have been unthinkable. Thus, Hispanic opera was invented. [Note 1]Venus is the female protagonist, the erotically charged goddess who overwhelms the beautiful mortal Adonis and drives her former lover Marte (who is burlesqued) nearly mad with jealousy in La púrpura de la rosa. The opera received its first performance in the Coliseo of the Buen Retiro palace in Madrid on 17 January 1660, by the two leading acting companies and several expert musicians from the royal service (the continuo band led by Juan Hidalgo was formed by players from the Royal Chapel who joined the guitarists and harpists of the acting companies). [Note 2] The libretto was completed by early October 1659 (this can be discerned from Calderón's original Loa), and the score was quite possibly ready by then as well. In Calderón's libretto, Venus is joined by lyrical Adonis, the ever-vengeful, blustering Marte (Mars), his strident sister Belona, goddess of war, playful Amor (Love or Cupid), the sadistic soldier Dragón (literally Dragon but also Dragoon) who attends Marte, the comic rustics Chato and Celfa who tend Venus's garden, along with Venus's lovely Nymphs, and Desengaño's allegorical companions Temor, Sospecha, Envidia, and Ira (Fear, Suspicion, Envy, and Anger) who emerge in one scene from a mysterious grotto or Carcel de Celos. All of the roles except that of the comic gracioso Chato (most likely a tenor) and the figure of Desengaño (Disillusion, a baritone in the Lima MS) were sung by female actress-singers from the acting troupes (castrato singers were not at all favored in Spain, and they did not sing in the theaters).La púrpura de la rosa was revived at court on 25 August 1679 for the newly arrived queen, Marie-Louise d'Orleans, with rehearsals beginning by 11 August “both mornings and afternoons.” The opera must have delighted the Queen, for it was produced again, presumably with Hidalgo's music and a new Loa, on 18 January 1680, on the birthday of the Hapsburg Archduchess Maria Antonia, as part of a series of lavish productions given to celebrate the marriage of King Carlos II and Marie-Louise d'Orleans—a second Spanish-French alliance with important political implications. Most likely supervised by Calderón and Hidalgo, this revival production (whose rehearsals began on 6 January) included a number of singers and musicians who had performed in 1659-1660. An operatic study in mythological eroticism, La púrpura de la rosa was set apart from the other plays performed to celebrate the marriage, focused not on amorous or erotic themes but on chivalric stories and martial but anti-bellicose topics (for example, Calderón's Hado y divisa de Leonido y Marfisa, on a chivalric theme, performed 3 March 1680). La púrpura de la rosa was revived yet again for a long run at court in 1690, and again in 1694, presumably with Hidalgo's music (as was the case with revivals of a number of other plays).Though the seventeenth century was the Golden Age of the Spanish theater, and plays called comedias and partly-sung zarzuelas were performed all over Spain and her far-flung dominions (in Italy and the Americas), opera was an extraordinary genre and the production of La púrpura de la rosa at the Viceregal palace in Lima, Peru, in 1701 was a special musical and historical event. La púrpura de la rosa was the first opera performed in the New World, and it is a natively Hispanic opera. As was true of the travels of other kinds of opera within Europe, Hispanic opera traveled among the Spanish territories thanks to aristocrats with the political power and the financial resources to produce it. [Note 3]La púrpura de la rosa was commissioned by the Viceroy of Peru, Don Melchor Portocarrero Lasso de la Vega, Count of Monclova, to commemorate the eighteenth birthday of King Philip V (Philippe d'Anjou) and the first year of his reign (this we know from the title page of the Lima score). Philip was the grandson of Louis XIV and his first wife, María Teresa of Spain. He was proclaimed Philip V of Spain in Madrid on 24 November 1700, and in Lima on 5 October 1701. Though official accounts of his coronation and the local celebrations in his honor were published far and wide in the Hispanic lands, only one has survived from Lima. It may be that the Count of Monclova suppressed any official description or relación of the festivities of 19 October, the assumed performance date for La púrpura de la rosa. The anonymous text of the opera's 1701 Loa proclaims “¡Viva, Felipo, viva!” to voice Lima's acclamation of the first Bourbon king of Spain, in spite of the fact that the War of the Spanish Succession still raged. [Note 4]The Count of Monclova was slow to react to the good news of Philip V's proclamation in Madrid, perhaps because the French had always been his enemies. He had, after all, devoted his life to the Spanish Hapsburg monarchy and distinguished himself as a soldier. As a passionate young man and in the company of many of his long-time friends and “cousins,” he had fought to defeat the French in the military campaigns led by Don Juan José de Austria (the bastard son of King Philip IV and a Spanish actress). He lost his right arm in battle (and later replaced it with one made of silver), and in Madrid served Carlos II on both the Consejo de Guerra and the Junta de Guerra de Indias (1680). Known for his fiery political loyalty and his impetuousness, Monclova departed in 1685 to take up the post of Viceroy of Nueva España (México). Though he wished to return home a few years later, he was asked instead to move to Peru in 1688 and took on the government there in 1689—the largest and most important of the colonial governments. As Viceroy of Peru, he held enormous power and lived amidst the conspicuous wealth of this “City of Kings”.By 1701, Monclova had served 22 years far from home, in what he himself termed “la contera del mundo” (the end of the earth). In Lima, Monclova was not only a success but a popular hero. The inhabitants acclaimed him for his munificence, fairness, honesty, and the general peace and prosperity that Lima enjoyed under his rule. Even the city officials, often at odds with his liberal policies, praised him in their reports to Madrid. The constant noise of the court in Madrid reached him through the never-ending packets of official dispatches that arrive from México, Sevilla, and Cádiz. While his official correspondence concentrates on military and administrative matters, the funds needed to restore the city of Lima after the 1687 earthquake, and his zealous pursuit of pirates, in private letters to aristocratic friends and former comrades he laments especially his longing for Madrid's court culture. Monclova's appointment to the overseas viceroyalties was no less than destitution and political exile. In 1701, having served and survived three sovereigns (Philip IV, Don Juan José de Austria, and Carlos II), Monclova is nostalgic and weary of colonial distance. He dies in Lima in 1705 at the age of 74 and is entombed with all due solemnity in Lima Cathedral. [Note 5]The ComposersJuan Hidalgo was clearly the composer for the Madrid performances of La púrpura de la rosa during the seventeenth century, and he must be acknowledged as well for the inclusion of large sections of his music in the opera as it is preserved from 1701. According to the title page of the sole surviving musical manuscript of La púrpura de la rosa, associated with the 1701 performance in Lima, the opera's composer was Tomás de Torrejón y Velasco (1644-1728), a Spanish musician who had traveled to Peru several decades earlier, even before the Count of Monclova's arrival. Tomás de Torrejón y Velasco (born perhaps in Villarrobledo, near Albacete, Spain, and baptized there 23 December 1644) was the son of María Sánchez Salvador and Miguel de Torrejón y Velasco de la Cruz (1590-1659). Together with his siblings and his parents, Tomás spent his childhood in Fuencarral, close to Madrid. His father, Miguel de Torrejón y Velasco, was “Montero de Lebreles” (literally, Huntsman of the Hounds) to King Philip IV and had succeeded Francisco Torrejón y Velasco, Tomás's grandfather, in this position, which members of the Torrejón family retained at least through the end of the seventeenth century. When his father died in June of 1659, Tomás's brother Francisco Torrejón was appointed to this position. [Note 6] In 1658 or 1659 Tomás began to serve as a page in the household of the ninth Count of Lemos, Don Francisco Fernández de Castro, although it is likely that he served the Count's eldest son, Don Pedro Antonio Fernández de Castro (1632-1672), Count of Andrade, who would become the tenth Count of Lemos upon his father's death in 1662. [Note 7]As a young musician, Torrejón served a Castilian grandee and an important member of Philip IV's court during a busy period of innovation for Spanish musical theater. As a page, he would have received dancing lessons and musical instruction. His older colleague, Lucas Ruiz de Ribayaz, who traveled to Peru with Torrejón and the Lemos household, wrote that he had received his musical instruction while serving the Counts of Lemos and Andrade. Perhaps Torrejón was equally fortunate. Because of the importance of his patron, he might have been a pupil of the court composer Juan Hidalgo (a suggestion prompted by the similarity of many sections La púrpura de la rosa to examples of Hidalgo's theatrical music and his score for the opera Celos aun del aire matan).[Note 8] At the very least, when the Count of Lemos or the Count of Andrade attended court plays, their page, Tomás de Torrejón, might have accompanied them, for the seating arrangements, at least in the salón dorado of the Alcázar, allowed a grandee to attend with his eldest son and a page. [Note 9]Through his family's service as Monteros de Lebreles to the king, Torrejón most likely was known to the Marquis de Heliche, Gaspar de Haro, Montero Mayor (chief huntsman) to Philip IV, and Alcaide or governor of the Buen Retiro and Pardo palaces (the Zarzuela palace, with its theater, was a hunting lodge on the grounds of the Pardo). Heliche was the powerful courtier who organized both the King's hunting parties and the grand musical plays and operas produced at court before he was forced to relinquish his governorship in January 1662. Among the productions that Torrejón may well have seen and heard at court between 1658 and 1662 are: Triunfos de amor y fortuna by Antonio de Solís with music by Juan Hidalgo and Cristóbal Galán (1658); El laurel de Apolo, the first zarzuela, written in 1657 but performed in 1658, with text by Pedro Calderón de la Barca and music most likely by Juan Hidalgo; La púrpura de la rosa (1659-60 in its first version) a one-act opera with libretto by Calderón and music surely by Hidalgo; Celos aun del aire matan, by Calderón and Hidalgo (1660); Apolo y Climene by Calderón (1661); and the pastoral comedia Eco y Narcisco by Calderón with songs by Hidalgo (1661). [Note 10] In the summer of 1662, don Pedro Antonio Fernández de Castro, Count of Andrade and tenth Count of Lemos after his father's death, traveled to Barcelona and Naples, returning to Madrid in 1664 (after a brief imprisonment at the Alcázar in Segovia). It is unclear whether Torrejón remained in Madrid in the Lemos household during these two years, or accompanied the younger Count of Lemos.In 1667, at the age of 22, Torrejón traveled to Peru with his wife Manuela Bermúdez in the large retinue of the tenth Count of Lemos, when this grandee was appointed nineteenth Viceroy of Peru. Torrejón is named in the list of household personnel for the voyage as gentleman of the chamber, and was one of two musicians noted—the other was none other than Lucas Ruiz de Ribayaz, whose practical manual for guitar and harp Luz y norte musical was published in 1677 in Madrid, upon his return from the New World. [Note 11] Torrejón remained in Peru beyond Lemos's time as viceroy, serving in several important administrative positions. He became the chapelmaster of Lima Cathedral in 1676, in spite of the fact that he was not a cleric. Widowed upon the death of his first wife, he remarried after taking up his position at the cathedral. His second wife, Doña Juana Fernández de Mendía, was a criolla from Callao and the mother of five of his six children (all born in Peru).Through his pupils and the circulation of his villancicos and Latin sacred pieces, Torrejón became the most celebrated, influential composer of his day in the Spanish New World. He is praised in a number of publications. The texts of eight of his villancicos for the ceremonies celebrating the beatification of the former archbishop of Lima, Toribio Alfonso Mogrobejo, are included in Francisco Echave y Assú's elegant La estrella de Lima (Antwerp, 1688) [BNM 3/22154]. His vespers music for the royal exequies celebrated in Lima upon the death of King Carlos II is praised in Joseph de Buendía's Parentación real al soberano nombre e immortal memoria del católico Rey de las españas y emperador de las indias el serenissimo señor Don Carlos II (Lima, 1701) [BNM, ER-4541, fols. 87v-88], especially the “. . . sad harmony of funeral songs that piously moved the souls of the listeners to the tender effusion of liquid tears . . . .” A few years later in Lima Triumphante (Lima, 1708) [BNM R-3060], Pedro Peralta y Barnuevo, Lima's leading intellectual, praised two composers as exemplary of the Spanish music of the day; Torrejón and his direct contemporary Sebastián Durón (court composer in Madrid until his exile in 1706). He wrote that the Royal Chapel of the Viceroy's palace in Lima celebrated with the “best ecclesiastical music in quantity and in rarity, in Villancicos and Tonadas, that the Spanish Duróns and the Torrejóns have produced” (“con la mejor Música Eclesiástica cuanto han producido de raro en Villancicos, y Tonadas los Durones, y los Torrejones españoles ... ”). It is significant that Peralta compared Torrejón not to the late Hidalgo (whose music was also well known in Latin America, though he composed far more secular than religious music) but to Durón, who composed a prolific amount of Latin sacred music and whose villancicos were well known in the colonies. Years later, in the printed relación of the royal exequies for King Luis I (son of Philip V) celebrated in Lima in 1725, Torrejón's newly-composed funeral music was praised as “ . . . very harmonious, for the variety of its points of imitation, tenderness of its cadences, and closely woven concord of instruments and voices” (Joseph de Buendía, Parentación real ... Lima, 1725) [BNM R-34154]. As these citations indicate, Torrejón y Velasco was primarily a composer of religious music (Latin-texted sacred pieces and vernacular villancicos). The Lima score to La púrpura de la rosa is the only piece of profane music attributed to him. [Note 12] This, along with a number of stylistic questions, leads us to wonder whether Torrejón was indeed the “composer” of the Lima score, in a modern sense, or whether he merely put together the Lima performance, “compiling” the necessary musical materials.The OperaFrom the writings of Lima's intellectuals and from comments sprinkled through the private correspondence of the Viceroy, Count of Monclova, we know that musical trends and conventions in Madrid were closely followed at the Viceregal court in Lima. (This situation changed, of course, after the death of Viceroy Monclova in 1705—his successors, all appointees of Philip V and the aged Louis XIV, transformed the still-opulent court in Lima into the Versailles of the Southern Hemisphere). It should come as no surprise then, that Torrejón's La púrpura de la rosa includes quotations from Spanish theatrical music. Formally and stylistically, Torrejón's setting has much in common with Hidalgo's surviving opera Celos aun del aire matan.The opera unfolds through a succession of rhythmically integrated, animated songs that are mostly strophic, regulated by their bass lines, and infused with dance rhythms. This relatively simple musical fabric allows for the outpouring of Calderón's beautifully sensual dramatic text. The exploitation of standard Hispanic song types (coplas, tonos, tonadas, estribillos, and small sections of recitado) facilitated performance by actress-singers who were largely untrained in music and who learned their roles by rote, just as it allowed the opera to speak to a broad public through a conventionally expressive musical language widely known in Hispanic culture. In La púrpura de la rosa, Venus's anxious longing and Adonis's tender desire are the basis for the insistent repetition of melodies, rhythms, and bass patterns that give the opera its erotic energy and turbulent dramatic surface. According to the standard Renaissance explanation of music's power, music's sensual appeal was only achieved through repetition, because the decay of sound in the air meant that music could not be steadily contemplated as could a painting. Leonardo da Vinci wrote that because “time destroys such a harmony” quickly, music could only “enamor” the listener through repetition. [Note 13]Beyond insistent and suggestive dance rhythms and bass patterns, the musical eroticism of Torrejón's score is also heard in the use of extremely ornate and expressive music as seductive artifice. Two sections of Adonis's music, in particular, demonstrate the association of sensuality and extreme ornament. Adonis's description of his dream, the famous “No sé, que a sombra me dormí”, in which he invites Venus into his tender interior world, is an especially lyrical and ornamented set of coplas. Venus's response shatters the intimacy of Adonis's confession, as she dissembles, trying to resist the attraction of his beauty and his songs. Ever superior, she tells Adonis that she has no time for “baldones de amor” but waits around anyway to hear him sing Calderón's extraordinary paean to her beauty. The equivocal, inconclusive, wavering and yielding quality of the interaction between Venus and Adonis is projected in their coplas; chromatic alterations and the admixture of cadences to major and minor harmonies give their dialogue an inconclusive quality. When Adonis sings to Venus, his song further ornaments Calderón's exquisite verse. His music aptly captures his gentle, almost involuntary seduction of the goddess, whose sexual appetites awaken to his intimacy of tone and unrestrained lyricism. Venus is drawn to Adonis not only because she is wounded by Cupid's arrow and love's poison; her sexual curiosity is sparked by his music.While the composer transforms Adonis into a vehicle of persuasive lyricism, the role of Venus is not infused with the same kind of meltingly ornate, yearning melodies, but is characterized instead by a sort of insistent desire, conveyed through the choice of strophic coplas. When Venus hears Adonis sing his lament estribillo (refrain), “¡Ay de mí, que me da muerte a quien la vida di!” she remarks, “Mas, ¿qué triste lamento intenta interrumpir mis penas con sus penas?,” to begin an extended series of coplas, first asking herself whose voice she has heard, then settling on the means for her revenge, and finally calling on Amor for assistance (“O tu, velero dios, que en campos de zafir”).The song that binds together her progression from curiosity to resolve is nothing less than the same tune, “Bellísimo Narciso,” that Eco sings to lure Narciso in a long series of strophic coplas in Calderón's Eco y Narciso (1661). Eco y Narciso, like La púrpura de la rosa, was a pastoral play with royal associations, performed numerous times at the court in Madrid, and in revival here and there throughout the Hispanic world during this period. [Note 14] It is likely that Hidalgo was the composer of the extant musical setting of “Bellísimo Narciso,” and that this music was composed for the first performance of 1661 but lived on through the later performances of the play. Eco sings the song “Bellísimo Narciso” as a long monologue (some 84 lines in all) to attract Narciso. This situation was quite predictable within the Hispanic conventions, in that the lyrical music of closed-form solo songs was often employed as sensual enticement. The song is a strophic air constructed from the sequential repetition of a rising melodic pattern. Its persuasive effect is achieved through the simplest of musical and rhetorical devices; repetition, although Eco's (and Venus's) anxiety and desire are surely expressed as well in the repetition of this insistent, rising melody with its breathless rhythms supported by a steadily forward-moving bass line.There is little doubt that this tonada is by Juan Hidalgo and was performed in Eco y Narciso in 1661. Most likely, it was first composed by Hidalgo for Venus's desire in La púrpura de la rosa, used again in Eco y Narciso, and then included in Torrejón's score as well. This seems altogether likely, given the other citations of this tune. “Bellísimo Narciso” is glossed as “Bellísimo Narciso, pues que a mi amante pecho” in Agustín de Salazar y Torres's Loa to his comedia Santa Rosolea (before 1680), where Sebastiana Fernández sings it to parody her role as Eco in Calderón's Eco y Narciso.[Note 15] Sebastiana performed as an actress-singer in other Calderón plays at court in the 1670s, but it is unclear in which performance of Eco y Narciso she sang the title role, and whether she sang in any of the performances of La púrpura de la rosa.[Note 16] The tune (as “Bellísimo Narciso”) was known in the New World, for it is called for late in the seventeenth century by none other than the great poetess of the age, the musa décima Sor Juana Inés de la Cruz as the “Letra” before the “Sainete Primero de Palacio” performed with her comedia Los empeños de una casa. Strikingly, “Bellísimo Narciso” becomes the song of a demonic Eco in her auto sacramental El divino Narciso. Surely Sor Juana, who wrote her plays for the viceregal court in Mexico, employed the song “Bellísimo Narciso” as the seductive expression of the demonic Eco precisely because of its erotic connotations. [Note 17]There are other pieces in common between the Lima score of La púrpura de la rosa and copies from Hidalgo's music. Among the villancicos collected and composed by Miguel Gómez Camargo in the 1660s and 1670s during his tenure as maestro de capilla at the Valladolid cathedral, there are examples of secular songs that Camargo copied exactly (or with little adjustment) into his villancicos, with new sacred texts. Among these pieces are musical or poetic quotations and arrangements of four sections of La púrpura de la rosa: the Venus music “Más, ¿qué triste lamento?,” [Note 18] Adonis's famous “No sé que a sombra,” [Note 19] the Nymphs' chorus “No puede amor hacer mi dicha mayor,” [Note 20] and the unmistakable tonada for Desengaño “O, tu, que venciendo a todos.” [Note 21] These citations can de dated between 1662 and 1666, but do not carry a direct attribution to Hidalgo, although Camargo frequently worked with copies of Hidalgo's music. [Note 22] The appearance of these memorable sections of La púrpura de la rosa in copies that can be dated close to the performance date of Hidalgo's opera in Madrid reinforces the idea that Tomás de Torrejón y Velasco was not the sole composer of the Lima score, but had access to the music that Hidalgo had composed many decades earlier. It is possible that performing parts or a score of La púrpura de la rosa somehow accompanied Torrejón when he journeyed to Peru, or belonged to the Count of Lemos, his patron. Hidalgo's music for the opera could also have come into Torrejón's hands by way of the count of Monclova, who might have brought a copy to the New World, or who might have received one sent to him by some friend or relative in Madrid. Whatever the means for its transmission, the extant score to La púrpura de la rosa reveals a double inheritance of music and musical practices from both the Iberian peninsula and the New World.One of the most memorable sections of La púrpura de la rosa demonstrates the technique of recomposition that was essential to Hispanic musical culture and musical transmission in the seventeenth century. The double-choir piece “No puede Amor / hacer mi dicha mayor” encloses the intimate dalliance of the lovers and dominates the scene in Venus's garden, in which Adonis assumes his traditional pose enjoying the ample luxury of Venus's lap. This moment from Ovid's tale is regularly depicted in paintings of the period, with clear erotic intent. Here in the opera, the garden's amorous tranquility has an illicit edge to it, for the musical setting transforms the scene into an enormous jácara with solo strophes for the lovers and a choral refrain for the nymphs. Jácaras were wildly popular with audiences so it is natural that both Hidalgo and Torrejón appealed to this vogue. They usually treated some aspect of the world of germanía, the street life of ruffians, pimps and prostitutes. Adonis and Venus here enjoying their illicit affair in pastoral bliss, would hardly seem to be the typical jaque and marca, unless, of course, the composer wanted us to hear them as such. Although Calderón did not disgrace the lovers with lowlife utterance, the music quite clearly lends a sexually explosive and titillating quality to their brief time together, while enforcing an important traditional distinction between moral music and highly sensual and therefore immoral music. This scene, and the fast-driving coplas that Amor initiates to follow it, make audible La púrpura de la rosa's erotic appeal and its musical heritage. [Note 23]“No puede amor hacer mi dicha mayor” is based on material that originated in the court circles of Madrid. The text sung by Celfa and Chato to introduce the piece (“Veamos cómo una mósica / puede parecer entre otra / Como entre lo rojo lo verde.”), itself a borrowing from the poetry of Góngora, indicates that Calderón knew that the musical borrowing was to be included at this moment in the opera. Indeed the song-text of the estribillo is included in two other Calderón plays first produced before 1662 (Las armas de la hermosura in 1652 and in revivals, and Apolo y Climene 1661). It also appears in a number of late seventeenth-century villancicos, and its tune is used as the estribillo of a solo song attributed to José Marín (1619-1699), a tenor singer who joined the Royal Chapel under Philip IV, probably in 1644. [Note 24] By 1654 he was famous not only as a singer, guitarist, and composer, but also for his dashing and dangerous exploits. Exiled from the Madrid court for his alleged crimes, he traveled to the New World only to return to Madrid broke and in ill health, but still worthy of readmission to royal service. His obituary, published in 1699, noted that Marín led an exemplary life. Marín's song shares essential musical characteristics with the setting in La púrpura de la rosa. Perhaps the song-text called for a well-known tune, and both Marín and Torrejón followed the cue. Or Marín's song was especially popular, and both Calderón and Hidalgo, and later Torrejón, knew and appreciated it. On the other hand, Marín's song may have been an arrangement of a favorite tune from the Calderón and Hidalgo La púrpura de la rosa of 1659-60, a tune that Torrejón also knew and folded into his 1701 score.The libretto and the score contain numerous poetic and musical borrowings and citations, such that opera's introduction to the New World came packaged with allusions to other love stories told in conventionally Hispanic language. In performing the opera, these subtle and less subtle references call for the equally familiar Hispanic art of improvisation, in which pasacalles, glosas, and diferencias give body (cuerpo) to the notation in the Lima score. Memorization and improvised performance in Peru are described by Ruiz de Ribayaz in his 1677 manual (fol. 7), and these must have been especially important in the Lima performances of La púrpura de la rosa.Together with the musical concordances or relationships between pieces from the Lima score and those in other manuscript sources, textual citations further contribute to the puzzle surrounding the Lima manuscript and its creators. The text of the famous song of Adonis, “No sé, que a sombra me dormí,” was copied into two manuscripts dated most likely before the Lima score—one a collection of poetry (Toledo, Biblioteca Pública, R (Ms.) 391 at fol. 6), and the other a Peruvian songbook compiled by a Franciscan friar, Fray Gregorio de Zuola (d. 1709), who was born in Spain c1640 and whose activities in Peru began in 1666. The songbook contains a number of other well-known songs of Spanish peninsular origin. The melody and bass line copied into the Zuola manuscript appear, however, not to be a solo song, but parts from a polyphonic song with the Calderón text. The Zuola manuscript's melody is simply not the tune as given in the Lima MS. [Note 25]Three other sources dated after the Lima performance of La púrpura de la rosa provide musical settings of tunes and bass lines from the opera. With its bass and harmony, the music that Amor sings beginning “No puede, pues, que no puede ...” (letter M, p. 124 m. 10 in the present edition) serves a long series of coplas in which the other characters participate (through letters M, N, O). This song and its bass appear as the dance-song (baile) “El Amor” in collections of music for guitar and harp. Among these, the version for harp given in an undated manuscript probably of Iberian origin (US-Wc Mk 290. fol. 22r-23r) matches quite closely the melody, harmonies and bass given for this song in the Lima score. Because the harp anthology is undated, it does not decisively tell us whether “El Amor” was introduced in Torrejón's 1701 setting of the opera or in Hidalgo's 1659 setting, or brought into La púrpura de la rosa as a borrowing from an existing repertory of dance-songs and bailes. Since “El Amor” seems not to surface in any sources that can de dated before the end of the seventeenth century, it seems likely that it was associated first with Amor's coplas in a performance of La púrpura de la rosa by Torrejón. “El Amor” is also found in a guitar manuscript of 1709 (BNM MS M-811, “Libro de diferentes cifras de gitara escojidas de los mejores autores,” p. 113), whose title clearly admits that it is an anthology of borrowed music. Some years later, “El Amor” appears in Santiago de Murcia's manuscript guitar collection “Códice Saldívar no. 4,” dated between 1714 and 1732 (probably c1730). [Note 26] It is likely that Murcia knew some of Hidalgo's music, and he would have been in touch with music performed in the New World colonies, including music by Torrejón, as well as the guitar and harp repertory of his day. [Note 27]Sources for the Libretto and the ScoreThe principal sources for this critical performing edition of La púrpura de la rosa are the unique musical manuscript in Lima, Biblioteca Nacional del Perú, MS C-1469, and the three seventeenth-century printings of the Calderón text, in the so-called “Excelmo” printing of the Tercera parte de comedias de don Pedro Calderón ... (Madrid, 1664); the “Excellentissimo” edition, dated 1664, but actually prepared around 1673-74; and the posthumous edition issued by Calderón's friend Vera Tassis, Tercera parte de comedias del celebre poeta español ... que nuevamente corregidas publica don Juan de Vera Tassis ... (Madrid, 1687). The musical manuscript has been previously published in two editions: Tomás de Torrejón y Velasco, La púrpura de la rosa, transcription with a preliminary study by Robert Stevenson (Lima, 1976); and Pedro Calderón de la Barca, Tomás de Torrejón y Velasco, La púrpura de la rosa, ed. Angeles Cardona, Don Cruickshank, and Martin Cunningham (Kassel: Edition Reichenberger, 1990). The literary sources are carefully studied by Don Cruickshank for his critical edition of the text, based on an early manuscript version of Calderón's text (Oxford, Bodleian Library MS Add.A.143, “Que se hizo a la Maxestad de Phe. 4˚ el Grande en el Real Palacio de la Zarzuela, Año de 1662”), and are available in Pedro Calderón de la Barca, Comedias, a facsimile edition prepared by D. W. Cruickshank and J. E. Varey, 19 vols. (London, 1973), in addition to the exemplars in various libraries.The EditionThis critical performing edition of La púrpura de la rosa provides a complete transcription of the Lima MS (Lima, Biblioteca Nacional, C1469), but it is not limited to an exact rendering of this single, unique musical source. The manuscript is bound in parchment and contains 89 oblong pages (21 by 34 cms.) ruled six staves to a page and copied on one side only. Following the elaborate title page (numbered 1 in the modern pagination) there are three blank folios (unnumbered). The “Música de la Loa” follows (page 2 of the modern numbering) with eleven folios. Within this section, the solo songs and duos are given first, with their bass lines, on the first four leaves after the title page and the blank leaves. The four extant vocal ensembles or coros of the Loa are notated in score but without barlines on the last 7 leaves of the Loa. A folio is missing between pages 9 and 10 in the modern numbering. This folio would have contained the conclusion of one chorus, certainly, but it is impossible to know whether it contained anything else.The section devoted to the “Tonadas Solas de la Comedia” (the solo pieces of the opera proper) follows, on fifty-five folios with the original foliation to fol. 56. The music of Venus's nymphs for the opening scene of the opera takes up the first “opening” of this section; fol. 1v contains their solo strophes and the figured bass or “Acompto” for these strophes. The facing page, fol. 2r (original numbering as folio 2), contains their ensemble “Id, Llegad, Corred, Volad ...” and its “Acompto.” On fol. 3v the opera continues with Venus's “Ay infelice” and contains only the solo vocal lines for what follows, while fol. 4r (4 orig.) gives only the figured bass for the vocal lines contained on its facing page, fol. 3v. This layout, with six staves of unbarred vocal lines given on the page facing that containing the unbarred continuo bass lines or “Acompañamientos,” continues through folio 56 in the original numbering, the end of the section devoted to the solo tonadas of the opera proper. The folio numbered 20 in the original numbering has been torn out, so that the bass lines for the vocal solos on the facing page are missing (see the critical notes below). Folio 56 presents the bass lines for the last solo lines in the opera (Venus and Adonis beginning “Pues porque mejor lo digas” and Belona “A cuyo aplauso festivo”).At what would be folio 57v (unnumbered), the section of the manuscript devoted to the ensemble songs (coros) begins, but without any heading of its own. In this section, whose folios do not carry original numbering, the vocal parts and the continuo bass line for each of the coros are presented together in unbarred score format on the same page. The order of the choruses follows the order in which they are called for in the opera (as indicated in the libretto) and their insertion among the solo pieces is signaled in the appropriate places earlier in the score by the inclusion of text incipits above the staff and/or cues in the continuo bass line (“Arma, Guerra,” “A pesar del amor,” “Al arma a 4,” and so forth). A complete opening (two facing pages) has been ripped out of the manuscript between folios 82 and 83 of the modern numbering.This opening must have contained the three short choruses called for in the libretto and whose initial continuo bass notes are given in the Lima manuscript at fol. 46 (orig. numbering) with the incipits “Al arma ecta.” and “No al arma.” The musical reconstruction I have provided for these choruses preserves the opening notes given in the continuo bass part, and the repetition of the “El Amor” tune and bass line that serve as the basic material the entire lengthy and highly dramatic scene. Moreover, I have attempted to preserve the sound of the high voices of the nymphs against the more standard warlike sound of the other group (that would include the men who sang the roles of Chato and Desengaño).The layout of the Lima manuscript indicates that the musical materials it includes might have been copied into it from performing parts, where the practice of separating the vocal melodies from their bass lines was standard. Individual tonos and tonadas from many plays are preserved in such papeles sueltos or performing parts, but of the surviving bound scores of Hispanic theatrical music from this period, only the Lima manuscript preserves precisely this format. [Note 28] The manuscript also bears no markings or signs of having been used as a performance score. Most likely it was copied for the Viceroy Count of Monclova, who commissioned its preparation in 1701. The text of Calderón's verse is cleanly copied and carefully written into the musical manuscript, following (with a few exceptions) the edition of Calderón's La púrpura de la rosa published by Juan de Vera Tassis in 1687. [Note 29]The Lima manuscript is elegant not only in its clean presentation of text and music, but also in its use of water-marked paper and an elaborate title page. The blank pages following the title page and preceding the music for the loa may have been reserved initially for the dedication or other preliminaries pertaining to the opera's commission and performance in Lima. It is very likely that the manuscript was compiled with such clarity and in such an unusual layout so that it could serve as the basis for a printed edition.Because the Lima manuscript was not prepared as a performing score, it lacks certain features essential to any performance of the opera. First of all, the number of characters in the Loa and their names cannot be gleaned from the manuscript alone. There is no surviving literary source for this loa, as far as is known. The loa text is surely not by Calderón but might have been written by one of the Peruvian poets known to Torrejón or favored by Viceroy Monclova. In any case, there is no reason to doubt Torrejón y Velasco's authorship of the music for the 1701 loa. The original order of the solo and ensemble pieces in the loa cannot be discerned with any certainty from the music included in the manuscript, because the manuscript provides no more than the text and music for the first copla or strophe in each strophic song, even when the succeeding strophes of the song may have been shared among several characters.The loa clearly calls for a conventional stage set with the Temple of Apollo on Mount Parnassus veiled in clouds. Its protagonists are the nine Muses (“las nueve ninfas” mentioned in the first chorus), some of whom reveal their names as they descend the slopes of Mount Parnassus (Terpsichore, Calliope) or work within the temple (Urania). Other characters who sing are the allegorical figures for Time and Spain, though it is likely that more Muses and allegorical figures were called for by the texts of the missing strophes. My arrangement of the pieces in the loa follows what a reading of the anonymous texts in the manuscript produces as a possible scenario. I have tried to reconstruct a sensible and dramatically plausible order for the pieces, according to the sense of the texts, the harmonies of the solo and choral sections, and the conventional ordering of such pieces in contemporary loas. For example, the order of the coros seems to suggest itself in the texts, and the repeated closing chorus in joyful seguidillas was conventional for large-scale sung loas of royal acclamation. Of course, in suggesting the order of the choruses, I have also taken into account the order in which the segments are given in the manuscript, and the manuscript's practice of grouping the ensemble pieces together in a separate section after the solo songs.For the opera proper, again the Lima manuscript does not include the stage directions or the names of the characters who sing (indeed it generally does not indicate even that a change of character has taken place) and it does not provide the texts or any musical realization for strophes beyond the first copla in a strophic song. In this notational practice, the Lima manuscript also follows the notational conventions of the so-called papeles sueltos or performing parts typical of the repertory. Though the copyist perhaps left the manuscript incomplete (witness the blank leaves), the Lima MS offered a complete musical compendium of the opera before a few pages were torn out. It does not offer written-out versions of the successive coplas that are to be sung to each of the tonos and tonadas because the actress-singers who performed in this kind of opera learned their roles by rote, and were skilled at fitting the richly dramatic Calderón song-texts around the tunes and rhythms called for in the score. Through my study of the seventeenth-century sources for Calderón's La púrpura de la rosa, the findings of literary scholars dedicated to the philology of Calderón's plays, and the dramatist's practice in other mythological and pastoral plays, I have reconstructed the missing stage directions and coplas of poetic text. By leaving the texts of the strophic songs in the score but without underlaying the texts (except in the appendix), it is hoped that something of the Hispanic baroque performing practice conventional for this kind of musical theater will be preserved.The stage directions in this performing edition generally are taken from the 1687 edition of La púrpura de la rosa prepared by Juan de Vera Tassis, although I have always tried to include the fullest and most explanatory stage directions available in the principal versions of the Calderón text. The musical indications in the stage directions of Vera Tassis' editions of Calderón's musical plays often give more complete and more helpful infomation than those in the earlier printings. This trend confirms what we know about the history of the genres and their conventions for musical performance. In the late 1670s and through the 1690s, the printed texts of court plays begin to explain the musical effects called for in performance in greater detail than had the editions of the earlier decades (the 1650s and 1660s). Further, the consistency of the palace accounts and other documents for this later period of court theater reveal that the requirements of conventional musical performance were accepted into the standard means of producing and paying for court plays. After several decades of zarzuelas and semi-operas, the revivals of the Calderón-Hidalgo operas did not cause problems or provoke the controversies that went against the grain in the late 1650s and 1660s. Shortly before his death, Calderón complained about the way his plays had been treated in general by editors and booksellers during his lifetime; indeed the entire history of the Calderón editions is a subject that has been well treated by the experts, with the general conclusion indicating that the case of each text must be decided on its own merits. No single version of La púrpura de la rosa can claim absolute fidelity to the dramatist's intentions or accuracy with repect to any particular performance of the opera. What I suggest here is that the Vera Tassis edition reflects more fully the musical aspects of a late seventeenth-century performance than do the earlier readings of the text.The texts of other musical plays of the late seventeenth century also offer stage directions or rubrics that are very suggestive in terms of musical effects or requirements for modern performance. For example, the stage directions and rubrics in the Conde de Clavijo's Celos vencidos de Amor y de Amor el Mayor Triunfo, a Fiesta Zarzuela performed in Madrid in 1698, specify that the continuo band included harps, guitars, viols, violins, clarino and regular trumpets, and drums (timbales). Among other effects, the celebratory loa ended with choirs singing seguidillas, accompanied by trumpets, clarino trumpets, and castanets, in addition to the continuo—an instrumentation perfectly suited to Torrejón's loa in the present edition. [Note 30]The arrangement of the clefs given in the Lima manuscript of La púrpura de la rosa is highly suggestive of a close link between the manuscript and the performing parts actually used to prepare one of the opera's performances. The solo I have assigned to “El Tiempo” in the loa (“Ya el Tiempo a tu duda ofrece”) is notated with the alto clef, as is the solo air for Desengaño in the opera proper (“O tu, que venciendo a todos;” fol. 37 orig.). This very selective use of alto clef for the solo songs of the two hoary old men in the opera, Father Time and bearded Disillusion, an old man dressed in animal skins, informs us that both of these special characters were sung by a baritone, and by the same actor-singer. In contemporary villancicos, where solos for male singers are far more usual than in theatrical music, the alto clef is likewise used to notate solo songs for baritones.In the present edition, the “high clefs” (claves altas or chiavette) have already been resolved; that is, music notated with high clefs (treble G clef on the second line for the high vocal parts, the alto clef for the baritone, and a tenor C clef on the fourth line of the staff for the continuo bass line) has been transposed down a fourth to its sounding pitch. Sections notated in “low” clefs have already been transposed in the notation of the manuscript, and so the music following them is left as notated, at sounding pitch. These transpositions follow exactly what Lucas Ruiz de Ribayaz recommends to continuo players in chapter fifteen of his Luz y norte (pp. 57-61): they must always play “por transportado” when they encounter music notated in the high clefs (with or without flats in the signature), and “por natural” or at notated pitch when the music is notated in low clefs (with or without flats in the signature).Through the first and largest section of the manuscript (beginning with the loa and continuing through original fol. 40), the music is notated in high clefs with no flats in the signature, including the ensembles and coros included in the first 12 folios of the “choral” section of the manuscript. Thus, all of the music through the grotto scene and earthquake, but preceding the garden scene for Venus and Adonis (letter L) is notated consistently in high clefs. Beginning at fol. 41 (orig.) of the Lima manuscript (letter L), the high clefs continue to be in use, but a flat is added to the signature. This use of the B-flat with high clefs indicates that the music as notated is in transposed Dorian mode. When transposed down a fourth (from G to D), the sounding pitch matches what is usually called for in harp and guitar sources of the period for the dance-songs of the jácara and “El Amor.” This is especially appropriate for the garden scene (at L) with its large-scale jácara “No puede amor,” and for Amor's “No puede, pues que no puede” (at M) which introduces a long and exciting set of coplas. Thus far, the notational practice of the Lima manuscript is in line with what we know was typical in other musical sources for the period. Transposing the high clefs down a fourth, I have resolved the transposition called for in the manuscript and notated the music at its conventional sounding pitch.After the confrontation between Venus and Mars (rehearsal letters N and O), the clefs in the Lima manuscript become “low clefs” (from the second system on fols. 45 and 46 orig.) and the Lima MS gives the music of the opera at sounding pitch, with B-flats in the signature. The music with B-flats in the signature for the harmonic center of F “sexto tono” (letter P) is heard as a release from the threatening and conflictive D minor (“primer tono” or D Dorian with B-flat) music of the previous scenes. The final harmonic centers of the opera's denouement, F and B-flat, pull the music of the opera further down and around the circle of fifths, perhaps in order to capture the weight of tragic events.From its optimistic beginning in the loa, in the realm of D with sharps (and long sections in G), continuing through the threatening and erotically charged scenes in D Dorian with B-flat (arrived at by using D without flats on the natural hexachord to shift down to the soft hexachord), and then to F and B-flat as harmonic centers from the soft hexachord, the harmonic scheme of the opera has been moving from the “higher” realm of sharps to the “lower” realm of flats along the circle of fifths, not through the rationalized, symmetrical movement characteristic of early eighteenth-century modulation, but through a kind of modulation derived from the older Renaissance practice of modal modulation and described in seventeenth-century manuals for guitar, with changes of signature and downward shifts through the hexachordal system. The final “tragedy” thus unfolds at the “lowest” point, the realm of B-flat (the guitarist's segundillo, akin to B-flat major), and the mixed and highly colored music of the D Dorian (or D minor) dances has pushed toward the tragedy with its driving rhythms and abrupt move to the soft hexachord.In this edition the time signatures are modernized slightly, so that C in the manuscript is always given here as 4/4, and the traditionally Hispanic time signature for triple time is given here consistently as 3/2. The note values are not reduced, and the notation of the sections in triple meter thus preserves its visual and spiritual differences with the sections in duple meter. The Lima manuscript has very few bar lines, such that these have been added consistently in this edition without further comment. Accidentals and continuo figures follow those in the Lima manuscript, except where indicated through brackets or parentheses, or as described in the critical notes. Solid slurs follow those in the Lima source, and dotted slurs have been added here or there as consistency with the manuscript has required. The repetition sign % is given in the edition just as it is supplied in the manuscript, and change of folio marks // are used throughout the edition to indicate where the end of each musical folio is located in the course of the music. The text underlay of the Lima manuscript is generally preserved in the edition, except for obvious mistakes or neglectful omissions by the copyist. Square brackets indicate music or text not supplied in the Lima manuscript (as explained in the critical notes). On the other hand, repetitions of music included in the Lima source and called for in the libretto are not enclosed in square brackets. Rehearsal letters have been added to the score by the editor.The Appendix (Apéndice) to this edition includes basic musical realizations with texts underlaid for the coplas of text and music not supplied in the Lima manuscript. This appendix is intended as a series of starting points or heuristic suggestions toward learning the opera; it should not be the basis for every singer's realization of her/his missing coplas. All of the material in the Appendix is therefore to be placed within a set of imaginary square brackets.Critical Notes to the Editionp. 1: “Todo el coro” cue at continuo bass line on Lima MS fol. 6 (modern numbering).p. 16, mm. 6-8: end of coro missing in Lima MS, reconstruction based on cues in MS.p. 27: “Tonadas solas de la Comedia” noted in Lima MS, fol. 1 (orig.); m. 19, continuo figure is over the 6 in Lima MS; 6 over # would also be possible in this context.p. 28: continuo figure is # over the 6 in Lima MS; 6 over # would also be possible here.p. 42, m. 18: G# at end of “guerrero” is clearly intended in Lima MS fol. 7 (orig. fol.), perhaps as special “conflictive” word-painting producing falsas on the word “guerrero.”p. 52, m. 4, time signature not in Lima MS, but called for by note values in continuo bass.p. 53, beginning m. 1: continuo bass line in brackets not given in Lima MS; it is reconstructed here by repeating bass from preceding coplas.p. 56, m. 11 and passim.: the incorrect spellings of “mojer,” “aborrida,” and “rofián” are intentional and follow Calderón editions; they convey the humor of the ignorant inflections of Chato and Celfa.p. 57: continuo bass line in brackets not in Lima MS; it follows the likely bass suggested in the 1990 transcription by Cardona and Cunningham.p. 58: continuo bass line in brackets is repeated from previous copla (at letter F).p. 59: continuo bass line in brackets not in Lima MS; it follows the bass suggested in the 1990 transcription by Cardona and Cunningham.pp. 60 and 61: continuo bass lines in brackets follows bass from previous copla and the suggestion in the 1990 scholarly transcription by Cardona and Cunningham.p. 62, m. 9: text underlaid in Lima MS as “a la sombra” is “alfombra” (carpet) in Calderón texts.p. 65, bottom of page: continuo bass line (MS fol. 24 orig.) includes these additional six notes; this passage of instrumental music can be used to separate strophes, but would be heard more likely between the last strophe and the estribillo (“he de ver ... “); the dramatic situation would seem to suggest the latter.p. 70, m. 10: text in Lima MS is “No sé, que a sombras me dormí;” editions of Calderón's text give “sombra.”p. 73, m. 4: text in Lima MS is “nevado” but Calderón editions give “dorado,” which is surely the better reading.p. 73, m. 6: text in Lima MS is “humor” but Calderón editions give “humo,” which is clearly the better reading.p. 84, m. 3, m. 20: Lima MS gives # over 6 continuo figure, rendered here as #6.p. 92, m. 15: Lima MS gives # over 76, not #7-6; probably this intends a major seventh chord resolving to a minor triad in first inversion (C major 7th to an A minor 6/3 chord)p. 105, m. 2: the bass clef for Desengaño is not given in Lima MS (pitches are given but clef change is left off).p. 106, mm. 21-22: “ojeo” is a hunt, here a hunting party; “ojear” is to beat for game, but also to look over, to set one's eyes on with sexual desire or with the intent of communicating lascivious intent.p. 111, m. 11: misspelling of “mósica” for “música” intentional and included in Calderón editions; another attempt to preserve the humor of the rustic characters through pronunciation.p. 120, m. 30: C# notated in MS, but C might be preferable.pp. 127-130: original coros missing from Lima MS; reconstruction based on opening notes of continuo bass cues (MS fol. 46) and the repetition of the “El Amor” tune and bass line.p. 131: the single bass line by itself is in the Lima MS; it can be realized as instrumental music to accompany (cover the noise of) the scene change from the garden to the mountain.p. 132, m. 2: the notes B B for “que se-” are notated B natural in the Lima MS.p. 133, m. 5: Lima MS gives continuo figure as # over 4-3; presumably this intends a special effect 4-3 suspension in the continuo, or perhaps a special comic exaggeration from Chato as he delays his cadence.p. 138, Celfa, l. 2: comic use of “seor” instead of “señor” in Lima MS and in Calderón editions; Dragón, l. 7: “ojeos,” literally “hunts” or “hunting parties,” but with a double meaning (see note for p. 106, above).p. 141, m. 26: the vocal leap of a fifth down D to G is notated in the Lima MS.p. 142, line 30: “inorme” (for “enorme”) old spelling as given in Calderón editions.p. 144, m. 16: Lima MS gives “montes” but Calderón editions give “bosques,” which is surely the better reading.pp. 153, 155: the final phrase of the closing chorus is not in the Lima MS because a page is missing; I have used the second phrase of this chorus, with slight modifications, to underlay the text and close in the tonic.Synopsis of the PlotIn the loa, a prologue in praise of the sovereign, Calíope and Terpsícore descend to the Temple of Apollo. Urania, El Tiempo, España, and the Choir of Muses join them, paying homage to Philip V in celebration of his accession to the throne and his eighteenth birthday.Fiesta cantada: the setting is a forest where Venus enjoys the sport of hunting. As the opera opens, her Nymphs rush onstage expressing their distress: Venus is being chased by the wild boar. Adonis answers her cries and rushes to help her. Venus faints into his arms and he carries her on-stage. When she recovers, he learns that she is the goddess Venus. He explains to her that the incestuous circumstances of his conception by Myrrha have made him renounce love, so that he is compelled to flee from her. She starts to pursue him, but Marte appears and questions her. She evades his questions, so Marte interrogates her Nymphs. Their reluctance fires his suspicions and finally he frightens one of them into describing the rescue of Venus by Adonis. Belona arrives on Iris's rainbow, borrowed from Juno, and summons her brother Marte to combat to distract him from his love-torn jealousy.The peasants Chato and Celfa have a comic scene in which they joke about marriage, interrupted by shouts from a Chorus of Peasants who warn that the wild boar is on the loose. Adonis, pursuing the boar, tires and lies down to rest. Venus finds him sleeping and dismisses her Nymphs. She wishes to avenge the humiliation of having fainted in his arms, but she is anxious and desires him when she hears his voice. Venus calls on Amor to assist her, telling him about Adonis's avoidance of love. Amor shoots the sleeping Adonis with a gold-tipped arrow and Adonis is wounded in the heart. Infused with love's poison, he awakens suddenly from a deep sleep. He is surprised to find Venus watching him, and sings confusedly of a terrible dream about a wild boar. This dream foreshadows his death. Adonis praises Venus's beauty and confesses his inescapable attraction. Venus is unable to tear herself away, and they reveal mutual desire. The goddess enters her garden of delights and Adonis follows her, flaunting taboo and prohibition. Celfa, Chato, and the Nymphs welcome them, celebrating the fact that "Nobody can say that to live without loving is to live."At the foot of the mountain, Belona enters with the Soldiers, Marte and Dragón. Marte is still jealous and distracted. Belona and Dragón humor him. Amor is sneaking around in disguise, spying on Marte, but is discovered behind some bushes and interrogated by Marte, who fails to recognize him. Made suspicious by Amor's riddles about love, Marte orders the Soldiers to seize him. Amor escapes by slipping into a cleft in the rocky side of the mountain, which opens to reveal a glimpse of the Prison of Jealousy and Desengaño chained within it—an old man with a long beard dressed in animal skins and shackles. Marte and Dragón enter the grotto with trepidation, and find themselves confronted by the masked figures of Fear, Suspicion, Envy, Anger, and Bitterness. Together with Desengaño, they warn Marte that when love is chased it turns to disillusion. Desengaño brandishes a magic mirror so that Marte sees images of Venus and Adonis embracing. Marte is distressed and runs from the truth. A sudden earthquake makes the allegorical figures, the vision in the mirror, and the grotto disappear.In Venus's garden, Venus and Adonis enjoy their illicit affair, Adonis resting in Venus's lap, while the Nymphs, Chato, and Celfa sing to entertain them. Amor warns of Marte's anger. Venus urges Adonis to hide in the forest. Venus plots to subdue Marte. When Marte approaches, he is rendered impotent by the songs of the Nymphs and the vapors from several fountains that flow with the poisoned, stagnant run off from Vulcan's forge. Belona brings a martial choir to revive Marte, as an antidote to the languid music of Venus.Once revived, Marte hunts for Adonis, dragging Chato and Celfa off with him. He orders Dragón to tie them to a tree. Adonis pursues the wild boar announced by the alarmed cries of the Peasants. Marte commands the fury Megera to make sure that the boar is especially vicious, so that Adonis will be mortally wounded. Chato, Celfa, and Dragón have a comic scene about bullies and neglectful husbands. Incredulous Celfa receives a beating from Dragón as Chato cheers.Offstage, Adonis falls, wounded by the boar. In response to his cries, a distraught Venus arrives on the scene, her hair let loose, half naked, and with bloodstained hands. Belona is moved to pity and laments. Belona and Libia try to convince Venus to refrain from viewing the body. The Chorus describes the blood of Adonis turning the white roses red. Venus sings an invocation to the gods and laments; Marte, with some cruelty, describes the death of Adonis, and reveals his bloody body among the flowers. Venus laments and faints. Then Amor appears in the heavens and announces that Jupiter has taken pity on the lovers. Venus will ascend as the evening star, with Adonis as a flower (an anemone). As Marte, Venus, Adonis, and Belona all comment, the lovers ascend to the heavens just as the sun sets.AcknowledgmentsIt is my great pleasure and honor to thank the Biblioteca Nacional in Lima for graciously providing a microfilm of the manuscript score and permission to publish an edition, many years ago during my dissertation research. I am very grateful to the students who assisted in the transcription and preparation of the earlier electronic version of this edition in Coda Software's Finale musical notation program for Apple Macintosh computers during their time at the University of Michigan, most especially Virginia Watson, Steve Rassi, and Kelly Crandell. The preparation of this edition would not have been possible without the generous financial support of the Rackham Graduate School, the School of Music Faculty Research Fund, and the Office of the Vice-President for Research at the University of Michigan, which I acknowledge with thanks. Finally, I am deeply grateful to Professor Andrew Lawrence-King for many practical suggestions and brilliant musical insights, shared in the spirit of warm collaboration. This edition is dedicated to Andrew Lawrence-King, who gave me an opera to play with. “Un nuevo maestro de arpa / soy que enseñar determino / para ver si en los bordones / puedo allar algún arrimo. / Enseñaré con destreza / sones del Amor Cupido / en quien son los escarmientos / solo la zifra que zifro ... / Vengan, que aunque irritados / de zelos se hallen / será el arpa instrumento / para templarse.” (Baile de El Maestro de Arpa).Notes[Note 1] The early history of opera in Spain and of La púrpura de la rosa in Madrid are treated at length in Louise K. Stein, Songs of Mortals, Dialogues of the Gods, Music and Theatre in 17th-century Spain (Oxford, 1993), 187-219 (see also 348-351 for a list of performances); and Stein, “Opera and the Spanish Political Agenda,” Acta musicological 63 (1991), 125-167. Earlier studies of La púrpura de la rosa include Robert Stevenson, "Opera Beginnings in the New World," Musical Quarterly 45 (1959): 8-25; Robert Stevenson, "The First New-World Opera," Americas 16 (1964): 33-35; Samuel Claro, "La música secular de Tomás de Torrejón y Velasco (1644-1729). Algunas características de su estilo y notación musical," Revista Musical Chilena 117 (1972): 3-23; Tomás de Torrejón y Velasco, La púrpura de la rosa, transcription and study by Robert Stevenson (Lima, 1976); and the extensive study in Pedro Calderón de la Barca y Tomás de Torrejón y Velasco, La púrpura de la rosa, edición del texto de Calderón y de la música de Torrejón comentados y anotados por Angeles Cardona, Don Cruickshank, y Martin Cunningham (Kassel, 1990.)[Note 2] The title page of the manuscript source for the Calderón text (Oxford, Bodleian Library MS Add.A.143) indicates that the opera was performed in the Zarzuela palace in 1662.[Note 3] The travels of Hispanic opera and its patrons are the subject of my forthcoming essay, “De la contera del mundo: opera navigating between two worlds and four cultures c1700,” first presented as a paper for the Royal Musical Association Conference on Music and Theatre, New College, Oxford University, 1997.[Note 4] The anonymous Solemne proclamación y Cabalgata real que el día 5 de octubre de este año de 1701 hizo la muy noble ciudad de los Reyes ... (Lima: Joseph Contreras, 1701) [BNM R-5751] decribes in great detail the splendor with which Philip V was acclaimed in Lima, and defensively explains in detail how and when the viceroy received official notice of the change in dynasty.[Note 5] The Count of Monclova and the circumstances surrounding the production of La púrpura de la rosa in Lima will be more fully explained in my forthcoming monograph about the opera.The information presented here is gleaned from archival documents in Lima, Archivo de la Nación;Madrid, Archivo Histórico Nacional [AHN]; Madrid, Biblioteca del Palacio de Liria;Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional [BNM]; Sevilla, Archivo General de Indias [AGI]; Toledo, Archivo Histórico Nacional (Archivo de la Nobleza). Among the important published sources for the Count of Monclova, see: José Antonio Alvarez de Baena, Hijos de Madrid vol. 4 (Madrid, 1889; facs. Madrid, 1973), 111-113; Luis Hernández Alfonso, Virreinato del Perú, 2nd ed. (Madrid, 1945), 172-74; Manuel Moreyra y Paz-Soldán and Guillermo Céspedes del Castillo, Virreinato peruano. Documentos para su historia, 3 vols. (Lima, 1954-5); Felipe Barreda y Laos, Vida intelectual del virreinato del Perú, 3rd ed. (Lima, 1964); Lewis Hanke, et al., eds., Los Virreyes Españoles en America Durante el Gobierno de la Casa de Austria, “Peru,” vol. 7 (Madrid, 1980); Juan Bromley, “La ciudad de Lima durante el gobierno del Virrey Conde le Monclova,” Revista Histórica 22 (Lima): 142-162; and Juan Carlos Estenssoro F., Música y sociedad coloniales, Lima 1680-1830 (Lima, 1989);[Note 6]Madrid, Archivo del Palacio Real de Oriente, Expedientes personales, caja 1036, exp. 6, 7, 14, 18, 20.[Note 7] Primary sources for the biography of Tomás de Torrejón y Velasco include: Madrid, AHN, Inquisición, legs. 1235 and 1283; Sevilla, AGI, Contratación 5435; P. Thomás de Torrejón, Sermones Panegyricos. Obra posthuma ... que saca a luz su hermano don Juan Joseph de Torrejón y Velasco, vol. 2, dedication to the 14th Count of Lemos (Madrid, 1737) [BNM 6-i /3361]; and Relación de la literatura, y méritos del muy reverendo Padre Maestro Fray Francisco de Torrejón y Velasco ... cathedrático de Lima (Madrid, 1746) [BNM R-1231/170]; see also the accounts of José de Buendía and Pedro Peralta published in Lima and described in the present essay.[Note 8] This suggestion was first put forth by Robert Stevenson, “Torrejón de Velasco, Tomás,” MGG 13 (1966), col. 570.[Note 9] The relevant passage from the Etiquetas de Palacio was first discussed in J. E. Varey, “L'Auditoire du Salón dorado de l'Alcázar de Madrid au XVIIe siècle,” Jean Jacquot, ed., Dramaturgie et Société 2 vols. (Paris, 1968) I, 77-91; cited in the study of Cardona, Cruickshank, and Cunningham (1990), 282 n. 47.[Note 10] Details of these productions and their music are provided in Stein, Songs of Mortals, chaps. 4-7.[Note 11] Lucas Ruiz de Ribayaz, Luz y norte musical para caminar por las cifras de la Guitarra Española y Arpa, tañer y cantar a compás por canto de órgano ... (Madrid: Melchor Alvarez, 1677) [BNM R-4025]; Ruiz de Ribayaz acknowledges his service to the Counts of Lemos and Andrade on fol. 2; Ribayaz is also listed with Torrejón in Sevilla, AGI, Contratación, 5435, as reported first in Guillermo Lohmann Villena, El Conde de Lemos Virrey del Peru (Madrid, 1946), 30.[Note 12] The location of the manuscript score of the opera in the National Library in Lima was first reported in Andrés Sas, “La púrpura de la rosa,” Boletín de la Biblioteca Nacional II/5 (Lima, Oct. 1944): 9; Torrejón's music is also listed and discussed in Rubén Vargas Ugarte, "Un archivo de música colonial en el Cuzco," Mar del Sur 26 (1953): 1-10, which includes a transcription of a Torrejón letter from 14 June, 1704; Samuel Claro, “La música dramática en el Cuzco durante el siglo XVIII y Catálogo de Manuscritos de música del Seminario de San Antonio Abad,” Anuario 5 (1969): 1-48; Robert Stevenson, Renaissance and Baroque Musical Sources in the ameritas (Washington, DC, 1970); Andrés Sas, La música en la Catedral de Lima durante el Virreinato, 3 vols. (Lima, 1972); and Samuel Claro: “La música secular de Tomás de Torrejón y Velasco (1644-1728),” Revista Musical Chilena 117 (1972): 3-23.[Note 13] On Leonardo and Venus paintings, see Mary Pardo, “Artifice as seduction in Titian,” Sexuality and Gender in Early Modern Europe, ed. James Grantham Turner (Cambridge, 1993), 55-89.[Note 14] The performance history of Eco y Narciso follows the play through the repertories of three acting companies, and from the much rehearsed first performance through later performances as a particular with no record of extra rehearsals. The song "Bellísimo Narciso" may have carried strong royal associations because the play had been an especial favorite of Queen Mariana de Austria in the 1660s and was revived several times for the next queen of Spain as well. The music for Eco y Narciso is preserved anonymously in the Novena manuscript, 234-237 (now in the Museo del Teatro, Almagro, Spain), an early eighteenth-century musical collection with songs for many of the most popular plays of the later seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries; see Louise K. Stein, “El ‘Manuscrito Novena', sus textos, su contexto histórico-musical, y el músico Joseph Peyró,” Revista de Musicología 3 (1980), 197-234; and Miguel Querol, ed., Música Barroca Española 6, Teatro musical de Calderón (Barcelona, 1981), 160-163.[Note 15] See Stein, Songs of Mortals, 369; another musical citation of the text is found in BNM MS 13622, fols. 66r and 68r.[Note 16] For Sebastiana's performances at court in the 1670s, see Margaret Rich Greer and J. E. Varey, El teatro palaciego en Madrid: 1586-1707. Estudio y Documentos (London: Tamesis, 1997), 38 and passim.[Note 17] Sor Juana Inez de la Cruz, Los empeños de una casa, and El divino Narciso in Francisco Monterde, ed., Obras completas (México, 1969), 390-391 and 736.[Note 18] Legajo 56/24 of the musical archive of Valladolid cathedral contains a villancico a 8 by Camargo with ten solo coplas beginning “Dulcissimo regalo,” a sacred text attached to the “Bellísimo Narciso”/ “¿Mas, qué triste lamento?” tune; another version of the same tune with coplas beginning “Bellísima María” is also included, and the Calderón text for “Bellísimo Narciso” is copied out on a separate page; La púrpura de la rosa is not specifically mentioned, and the references here are clearly to Eco y Narciso.[Note 19] Valladolid, Cathedral, music archive, legajo 41/33, “Ay que me muero de amor” solo and a 8, contains a sacred version of Adonis's text, “No se a que sombra mi luz bi, que sus rayos, y como me tienen ya sin mí,”; the melody for this text may have been derived from Adonis's song, but this is not an exact musical quotation. In this bundle there are also eight coplas with another text, perhaps derived from Adonis's “En fantasmas del sueño.”[Note 20] Fragments from “No puede amor / hacer mi dicha amor” appear as “Si puede amor hacer mi dicha,” in an undated sketch in Valladolid, cathedral music archive, legajo 85/282, on the back of a piece of paper with another song, “Deidades del abismo” (from act 3 of Antonio de Solis's Eurídice y Orfeo 1654?, revived 1684); see Stein, Songs of Mortals, 320, 350, 374, 527.[Note 21] The quotations of Desengaño's tune are found in the music archive of the cathedral in Valladolid as follows: in leg. 38/26 the song of Desengaño is quoted in the coplas (for baritone) beginning “O amor que venciendo a todos,” with eight strophes and a continuo bass for harp, within the villancico “O que amor tan dulce;” in leg. 68/4, for the passion villancico “A ti señor llega” dated 1672, the tune is the basis for the solo coplas beginning “O amor que con tantas ansias” also for baritone; there are two accompanying bass lines, one without figures and the other for harp; and in leg. 84/244, a “solo” with eight coplas beginning “O amor que benciendo a todos” for which only the vocal part is preserved. Gómez Camargo's borrowings from the opera were first brought to public attention in Carmelo Caballero Fernández Rufete's paper “Miscent sacra profanis: música profana y teatral en los villancicos de la segunda mitad del siglo XVII,” at the conference on “Música y Literatura el la Península Ibérica: 1600-1750,” Valladolid, February 1995.[Note 22] See Carmelo Caballero Fernández-Rufete, “Nuevas fuentes musicales del teatro calderoniano,” Revista de Musicología 16 (1993): 2958-76; my thanks to Pedro Aizpurúa Zalacaín for his invaluable assistance in Valladolid.[Note 23] In the score (this edition p. 124 m. 10) Amor brings forth a bass line similar to the jácara and fandango basses to support the increasing energy of this long series of coplas in a sort of early fandango; all three bailes, jácara, fandango, and what was later known as “El Amor,” were usually played in the “primer tono,” as is this section of the opera at its sounding pitch.[Note 24] “No puede amor” ascribed to Marín in BNM MS M-3881/22; anonymous settings a4 in MS Novena, 66 and 94; see Stein, Songs of Mortals, 302-3 and 519-20.[Note 25] On the Toledo MS, see E. M. Wilson, “Notas sobre algunos manuscritos Calderonianos,” RABM (1960), 486-7; on the songbook, see Carlos Vega, "Un códice peruano colonial del siglo XVII,” Revista Musical Chilena 81-82 (1962): 59-93; and the same author's earlier monograph, La música de un códice colonial del siglo XVII (Buenos Aires, 1931).[Note 26] These instrumental versions of “El Amor” are included in Maurice Esses' invaluable study and compendium, Dance and Instrumental Diferencias in Spain during the 17th and Early 18th centuries, 3 vols. (New York, 1994); the setting from Santiago de Murcia is transcribed and studied in Craig H. Russell's excellent Santiago de Murcia's “Códice Saldivar no. 4”, 2 vols. (Urbana and Chicago, 1995). Thanks to Andrew Lawrence-King for bringing the Murcia setting of “El Amor” to my attention.[Note 27] No performance of La púrpura de la rosa is registered for México (Nueva España) during Murcia'a lifetime, though the opera was performed again in Lima in 1707, 1708, and 1731; see Everett W. Hesse, “Calderón's popularity in the Spanish Indies,” Hispanic Review 23/1 (1955): 12-27; and Susana Hernández Araico, “Venus y Adonis en Calderón y Sor Juana. La primera ópera americana ¿en la Nueva España?,” Relaciones literarias entre España y América en los siglos XVI y XVII, ed. Ysla Campbell (Ciudad Juárez, 1992).[Note 28] For practical reasons, some scores group the larger coros together in one section, apart from the solo tonadas (this is the case of the manuscript score for Hidalgo's Celos aun del aire matan in the Biblioteca Pública at Evora, Portugal).[Note 29]The only places where text and/or music are crossed out and corrected seem to have resulted from the copyist's struggles with the text underlay: in the loa at fol. 11, third line; fol. 12 of the loa, top line; fol. 9 (orig.) of the tonadas, penultimate line; fol. 17 (orig.) of the tonadas, fourth line; fol. 23 of the tonadas, third line; fol. 33 of the tonadas, first and second lines; fol. 45 (orig.), penultimate line; fol. 46 (orig.) top of page; fol. 47 (orig.) last line; fol. 53 (orig.) end of line 4; pp. 1, 2, 3 of the coros have small corrections.[Note 30] The list of instruments: “... Arpas, y Guitarras, Violones, y Violines, Clarines, Trompetas, y Timbales, ... Viguela de Arco, Viguela de Amor [= probably lirone], etc.” (Celos vencidos de amor, p. 1) [BNM T-1967]